The Roosevelt Institution
One of several proposed projects for the 2007-2008 Center on Education is a project on the socioeconomic diversity of public schools in New Haven.
We propose to study models around the country of achieving socioeconomic diversity in public schools, and then compare those models to New Haven’s strategy. We plan to create innovative ideas for New Haven’s public schools to become more socioeconomically diverse, whether by more magnet schools, redistricting, or incentives for inter-district transfers.
In early summer of 2007, a bitterly divided Supreme Court handed down two decisions on school integration ruling the consideration of race unconstitutional in assigning students to public schools. Many progressive policymakers were left frustrated, seeing the decisions as a reversal of Brown v. Board of Education—an impossible roadblock to achieving the school integration that the Court ruled necessary in 1954. Others, however, seized upon Justice Kennedy’s moderate opinion that, though siding with the majority, opened the door to numerous other methods and criteria for creating diverse learning environments. Most prominent among these is the use of socioeconomic status as a proxy for race; indeed, some have long argued that race has only been a proxy for socioeconomic status, and districts using the latter are finally getting it right.
New Haven’s public schools are markedly not diverse, whether measured by race or socioeconomic status. Of the city’s 12 public high schools, only one does not have a majority of minority students or a majority of students eligible for free or reduced lunch. Wilbur Cross High School, for instance, is 89% non-white, and 76% of students are eligible for free or reduced lunch. In comparison, Connecticut is 67% white and only 26% of students are eligible for free or reduced lunch (a common measure of child poverty). Even within New Haven County, 82% of the population is white, and the median household income is over $52,000.
Such statistics are somewhat surprising, given New Haven’s current strategies aimed at reversing such de facto segregation. New Haven has several magnet schools, though very few are “interdistrict;” in other words, many schools are open to any child in New Haven, but few are open to those outside the city limits. In addition, the state provides financial compensation—if not incentives—for suburban students who transfer to New Haven schools. Whichever suburban school district that loses such a student gets reimbursed by the state for per pupil expenditures.
It is clearly in New Haven’s interest to improve in this area, as research on the effects of socioeconomic and racial diversity shows one consistent message: it boosts student achievement. Psychological experiments dating back to Brown demonstrate the profoundly discouraging effects segregation has on children of color. But more important than those studies are the actual success stories of districts in which schools have become more diverse, and test scores soar. Such examples include school districts in Raleigh, North Carolina, and Cambridge, Massachusetts, both with demographics not unlike those of New Haven. The former carefully expanded their district to include more suburban areas—a political risk that proved extremely popular—and then set quotes for each school based on percent of students eligible for free/reduced lunch. The latter district was a pioneer in “controlled choice,” a plan under which every school is a magnet school, and students are assigned according to preference, socioeconomic status, and random lottery pick. Both districts have achieved significant socioeconomic diversity, and more important, soaring test scores.
Group members:
Sam Brill
Abby McCartney